Category Archives: Uncategorized

Breaking Down Silos: Fostering Reason and Respect in a Divided World

Submitted by NEP’s Lloyd Hawkeye Robertson

A recent discussion among New Enlightenment Project board members highlighted a growing breakdown in meaningful communication across societal “silos.” Groups divided by differing beliefs on divisive issues—such as Palestine, immigration, equal rights for men, gender ideology, or systemic racism—are increasingly polarized with the result that they are left shouting at each other rather than talking to each other. Left, right and people in-between have been undermined with lies, defamation, negative gossip, innuendo, social ostracization, and asymmetric application of institutional ethics guidelines. This divisiveness has also fragmented the humanist movement, spawning competing organizations vying for a limited constituency. As a result, some humanist groups avoid discussing controversial issues to prevent further division, but this limits our ability to advance knowledge at individual and societal levels.

The Enlightenment-inspired advocate will stick to the argument and not the presumed character of the other. Even when we disagree—perhaps especially when trust is lacking—we must show respect for others, honoring the humanist principle of valuing every individual’s dignity and worth. This requires epistemic humility: acknowledging that our knowledge is limited and subject to change with new evidence. So why does society struggle to embrace respectful, reason-based discourse?

From a psychological perspective, three factors may explain why those engaging in reasoned debate are often maligned or censored. First, individuals with a dualistic worldview—dividing the world into good versus evil—may justify harmful actions against those labeled as “evil.” They may believe that silencing such individuals prevents others from straying from the “right” path. This mindset isn’t limited to religious ideologies; any belief system that paints non-adherents as oppressive, racist, or hateful can foster this trap.

Second, people may actively censor or malign others due to an underdeveloped or fragile sense of self. To such people, presenting ideas that run counter to their beliefs might feel like violence directed towards them. More extremely, some people run from the responsibility of having a volitional self and instead merge who they are with a religion or ideology. Any attack on the religion or ideology is then felt as violence directed against them and they “defend” themselves accordingly. Since reasoning only invites a reply which is then experienced as another attack, they seek to suppress free speech.

Third, some individuals view power as the only reality, leaving them desperate to control others. Feeling vulnerable when not in charge, they may resort to manipulation or bullying. When aligned with a movement seeking power—often framed as a moral crusade—they gain a sense of legitimacy, justifying their efforts to silence reasoned discourse.

These conditions—moral dualism, fragile identity, and a fixation on power—are treatable through psychotherapy. However, individuals with these traits often seek counseling only when their efforts to silence or control others fail, expecting the world to change rather than themselves. Promoting societies that consciously value objective reason, diverse thought, and free speech at every level may encourage such individuals to reflect and grow. This cultural shift could foster the change we need. Indeed, this is the mandate of the New Enlightenment Project: A Canadian Humanist Initiative (NEP).

The NEP was created by refugees from the culture wars within Canadian humanism who saw the need for a platform where all subjects of concern could be discussed freely and where civilized debate could be held without fear. So, we took this discussion from the board and invited member comment. Here are some of the comments that now appear on our website: 

Gleb: “Intolerance of emotional intolerance should be the cornerstone of NEP.

Myron: “But they are not interested in facts, just in perpetuating their dogmas and the lies they depend on.

Bob: “We always assume that ours the only way to think, and that the other side is just wrong-headed.

Mathew: “My mother survived Warsaw Uprising as a child, and witnessed how her father almost lost his life as he was chased in front of German tanks as a human shield. But she always encouraged me to “hear out the other side.” She had every reason to believe that some people, and some ideologies, are beyond redemption, and yet was ready to hear out even them.

To maintain progress as a civilization we need to understand other points of view and we need to be willing to modify our own points of view, dependent on the evidence. Enlightenment Humanism is progressive in that we are capable of making incremental progress using the skills of science, reason and free speech. We are concerned that these skills are not being sufficiently taught in our society. We publish articles, maintain a blog, have a Facebook discussion page, and we conduct interviews on a YouTube channel. We worry that, in effect, we are creating our own silo and we wish to reach out to others that perhaps have different perspectives. We are exploring co-hosting “The Other” conference to provide opportunities for people who hold opposing viewpoints to discuss them in a fair and respectful forum.

A function of this conference is, to echo Steven Pinker, the open acknowledgment and utilization of Enlightenment values such as freedom of thought and speech, human reason, scientific inquiry, and continued improvement of the human condition, while steel-manning those who would question or oppose them. The conference would be more about listening and discussing rather than judging and drawing political lines in the sand. By considering what and why the ‘other’ side holds counter viewpoints to our own is to appreciate and understand how biases influence our views within particular contexts. But how do we bring together people with such diverse opinions together?

One way would be to have groups that represent the spectrum of humanist thought co-sponsor such a conference with agreed upon rules for building an argument, acknowledging biases, reiterating or “steel-manning” other points of view, and acknowledging good points and areas of common agreement prior to critical assessment. Such a conference would be a success by demonstrating to each other and to the greater public at large that it is possible to gather in a public forum and discuss very sensitive issues in a respectful and helpful manner.

We learned last month that the World Humanist Conference for 2026 had been moved from Washington to Ottawa, Canada due to fractured and politicized discourse in the United States. We would hope that Robert Hamilton, the president of Humanist Ottawa, which is independently affiliated with Humanists International, will have a visible role in this event. We would also propose that the other humanist groups in Canada that are not formally affiliated with each other be invited to co-host an event that will demonstrate the skills we have suggested for the “Other” conference.

In the meantime, you can visit the NEP website at THE NEW ENLIGHTENMENT PROJECT – A Canadian Humanist Initiative. Check out our blog, visit our Facebook page, participate in the discussions. You can view our podcast interviews at https://www.youtube.com/@nep-humanismca6881

Up For Discussion

If you’re interested in analyzing and discussing this issue, there are actions you can take. First, here at Humanist Heritage Canada (Humanist Freedoms), we are open to receiving your well-written articles.

Second, we encourage you to visit the New Enlightenment Project’s (NEP) Facebook page and discussion group.

Citations, References And Other Reading

  1. Featured Photo Courtesy of : New Enlightenment Project
  2. https://humanists.international/event/ga2026/

By continuing to access, link to, or use this website and/or podcast, you accept the HumanistFreedoms.com and HumanistHeritageCanada.ca Terms of Service in full. If you disagree with the terms of service in whole or in part, you must not use the website, podcast or other material.

The views, opinions and analyses expressed in the articles on Humanist Freedoms are those of the contributor(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the publishers.

Review: Elliot Hanowski’s “Towards a Godless Dominion

A few months ago, we mentioned an intention to acquire and read a copy of Elliot Hanowski’s 2023 book, “Towards A Godless Dominion: Unbelief in Interwar Canada”. While we were a little late in discovering the book, we’re very glad that we did…and we’re very pleased with following-through on our intentions.

Our copy is a soft-cover with about 330 pages and we read the book over the course of several weekend mornings in May and June. We can confirm that our earlier expectation that it is an obvious must-read for anyone wishing to examine Canada’s humanist heritage was correct.

There are eight chapters, several of which feature a regional focus. Depictions of events in Manitoba, Ontario and Quebec dominate the book, but there is also a brief chapter covering “Unbelief on the Coasts“, as well. The bibliography is about 22 pages long, giving credit and credibility to Hanowski for what must be un-counted hours of research.

According to McGill-Queen’s University Press, Elliot Hanowski is an academic librarian at the University of Manitoba. Hanowski is the author of Towards A Godless Dominion: Unbelief in Interwar Canada. Hanowski is also one of the founders of the International SocieWety for Historians of Atheism, Secularism and Humanism.

The book’s publicity materials state, Towards a Godless Dominion explores both anti-religious activism and the organized opposition unbelievers faced from Christian Canada during the interwar period. Despite Christianity’s prominence, anti-religious ideas were propagated by lectures in theatres, through newspapers, and out on the streets. Secularist groups in Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg, and Vancouver actively tried to win people away from religious belief. In the first two cities, they were met with stiff repression by the state, which convicted unbelievers of blasphemous libel, broke up their meetings, and banned atheistic literature from circulating. In the latter two cities unbelievers met social disapproval rather than official persecution. Looking at interwar controversies around religion, such as arguments about faith healing and fundamentalist campaigns against teaching evolution, Elliot Hanowski shows how unbelievers were able to use these conflicts to get their skeptical message across to the public. Challenging the stereotype of Canada as a tolerant, secular nation, Towards a Godless Dominion returns to a time when intolerant forms of Christianity ruled a country that was considered more religious than the United States.

What we gained from having read the book is a renewed sense of connection to the humanist heritage that is an unjustly obscured part of our Canadian identity. The Canadian humanist community has not been particularly effective in recalling and telling its own story. Hanowski’s book is a an important and effective gift to the collection of “nones” that make up such a large part of Canadian society.

The final sentence of Hanowski’s book states, “Interwar unbelievers demonstrated considerable courage and determination in their struggle to create a godless yet more humane Canada.” and that may be the best place to conclude…along with our encouragement to everyone to go ahead and acquire a copy of this book, read it over a few weekend mornings and connect with the heritage that it contains.

Up For Discussion

If you’re interested in analyzing and discussing this issue, there are actions you can take. First, here at Humanist Heritage Canada (Humanist Freedoms), we are open to receiving your well-written articles.

Second, we encourage you to visit the New Enlightenment Project’s (NEP) Facebook page and discussion group.

Citations, References And Other Reading

  1. Featured Photo Courtesy of : https://umanitoba.academia.edu/ElliotHanowski
  2. https://www.mqup.ca/towards-a-godless-dominion-products-9780228018834.php#!prettyPhoto

By continuing to access, link to, or use this website and/or podcast, you accept the HumanistFreedoms.com and HumanistHeritageCanada.ca Terms of Service in full. If you disagree with the terms of service in whole or in part, you must not use the website, podcast or other material.

The views, opinions and analyses expressed in the articles on Humanist Freedoms are those of the contributor(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the publishers.

A New Campaign to Oppose Ontario’s Public Funding of Religious School Systems

We have received notice that the Society of Freethinkers (SoFree)and it’s lobbying partner, Secular Connexion, based in the Hamilton/Burlington and Elmira areas (respectively), have launched a new campaign to oppose Ontario’s system of public funding of religious school systems.

Here’s what we’ve been told so far:

Secular Connexion Séculière is a national non-profit lobby group that seeks justice for non-believers. Please join The Society of Freethinkers and us in an e-mail campaign directed at Ontario MPPs to change funding for the RC separate school system by distributing the attached email and MPP contact list to your members and friends.

We want to demonstrate the overwhelming support that exists in Ontario for a change to the current funding of Catholic separate schools.  This e-mail sets out the facts about the current system and the savings that would be generated.

It is being sent to Secular Humanist organizations, religious groups, public school teachers’ organizations and others who have expressed support for this change. Our hope is that an inundation of e-mails from various sources, including from non-Catholic religious groups, will convince them that it is time for a change. Ontario is a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic, multi-religious province that differs markedly from the Ontario of 1867.

Please distribute the attached e-mail and and contact list  to members of your organizations and to others who may also support this endeavour.

There are many myths and misconceptions around the current funding of the Catholic school system. The email we are asking people to send presents these facts:

• the current full funding of the Catholic school system is not constitutionally guaranteed. The Constitution grants provinces the right to determine the amount of funding for denominational schools if they funded such school systems prior to joining Confederation. Ontario chose to fully fund Catholic elementary and high schools as did Québec. Quebec changed their school system, in 1997, to one based solely on language, not religion, by merely asking the Federal government to let them stop the funding. Newfoundland and Labrador also changed their school system to eliminate funding of Catholic schools.

• 74%1 of Ontarians are not Roman Catholic, but pay for a system that can legally refuse to hire them as teachers, and can exclude their children from its schools.

 • the municipal taxes of Catholics pay for, at most, 8% of the operating costs of the separate system: the balance is paid out of taxes paid by all Ontarians, be they Catholic, Protestant, Atheist, Jew, Muslim, Hindu, etc.

• Ontario could save over $1.5 billion a year by having one non-denominational public school system

 • parents who send their children to non-Catholic private schools pay tuition fees which are generally not tax deductible, and must also pay their municipal taxes, including the education portion


We need our children to learn what unites them, not what divides them.

Please contact either of us for additional information. Should you wish to see the source documents for the figures cited above, these can be provided.

Thank you for your consideration of our proposal.

Doug Thomas, President, Secular Connexion Séculière,
president@secularconnexion.ca
Isobel Taylor, Vice-President, SOFREE, vicepresident@sofree.ca

Up For Discussion

If you’re interested in analyzing and discussing this issue, there are actions you can take. First, here at Humanist Heritage Canada (Humanist Freedoms), we are open to receiving your well-written articles.

Second, we encourage you to visit the New Enlightenment Project’s (NEP) Facebook page and discussion group.

Citations, References And Other Reading

  1. Featured Photo Courtesy of :
  2. https://sofree.ca/
  3. https://www.secularconnexion.ca/2093-2/

By continuing to access, link to, or use this website and/or podcast, you accept the HumanistFreedoms.com and HumanistHeritageCanada.ca Terms of Service in full. If you disagree with the terms of service in whole or in part, you must not use the website, podcast or other material.

The views, opinions and analyses expressed in the articles on Humanist Freedoms are those of the contributor(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the publishers.

Manitoba’s Bill 40

As you may be aware, Humanist Heritage Canada emerged, primarily, from a concern with protecting the freedom of expression in Canada and in support of humanist initiatives to oppose public funding of religion – in schools and other places. It is with these core issues in mind that we note that the current Manitoba government has a bill which may be of tremendous value.

Bill 40 is titled, “AN ACT RESPECTING “O CANADA” AND OTHER OBSERVANCES AND LAND AND TREATY ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS IN SCHOOLS (EDUCATION ADMINISTRATION ACT AND PUBLIC SCHOOLS ACT AMENDED)”. On March 6, 2025, it was at First Reading.

The part that should interest Canadian secularists and humanists says:

Assuming the bill does pass and come into force, this will be a significant advancement for secularization in Canada. As we are not up-to-speed regarding any Manitoba-based humanists or secularists who may have been involved in advocating for the repeal of these regulations, we’ll content ourselves with referring further reading to the recent BC Humanist article, “In 2023, the BC Humanist Association released Religion in Public School Acts, which documented the provinces that still include provisions to permit prayers and Bible studies in schools.

We join BCHA in their encouragement to Manitoba citizens and residents to contact their Member of Legislative Assembly in support of this provision of Bill 40. The bill has other provisions which are not secularist in nature and deserve evaluation on their own merits.

We also encourage those who are interested in humanism and secularism in Manitoba to procure a copy of Elliot Hanowski’s Toward a Godless Dominion: Unbelief in Interwar Canada. We recently acquired and read a copy (a book review is forthcoming) and were greatly pleased with the thorough review of Manitoba’s significant history of humanism and atheism during that period. If you’re looking for insights into Canada’s humanist heritage, this is a treasure.

Up For Discussion

If you’re interested in analyzing and discussing this issue, there are actions you can take. First, here at Humanist Heritage Canada (Humanist Freedoms), we are open to receiving your well-written articles.

Second, we encourage you to visit the New Enlightenment Project’s (NEP) Facebook page and discussion group.

Citations, References And Other Reading

  1. Featured Photo Courtesy of : https://www.mhs.mb.ca/docs/sites/legislativebuilding.shtml
  2. https://www.bchumanist.ca/manitoba_plans_to_scrap_religion_in_public_schools_act
  3. https://www.bchumanist.ca/religion_in_public_school_acts
  4. https://www.canlii.org/en/mb/mbqb/doc/1992/1992canlii8482/1992canlii8482.html
  5. https://web2.gov.mb.ca/bills/43-2/b040e.php
  6. https://www.gov.mb.ca/legislature/business/billstatus.pdf
  7. https://web2.gov.mb.ca/laws/regs/current/554-88.php?lang=en

By continuing to access, link to, or use this website and/or podcast, you accept the HumanistFreedoms.com and HumanistHeritageCanada.ca Terms of Service in full. If you disagree with the terms of service in whole or in part, you must not use the website, podcast or other material.

The views, opinions and analyses expressed in the articles on Humanist Freedoms are those of the contributor(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the publishers.

Centre For Inquiry Canada’s Annual Report 2024

Each year, formally organized entities must make available an annual report of their prior year’s activity. In Canada, there are a relatively small number of organization that thar obligated to provide such a report.

Humanist Heritage Canada is not required to publish an annual report because we are not a public organization. However, we maintain an interest in documenting the activity of Canada’s humanist communities.

Centre For Inquiry Canada was founded in Toronto in 2009 and rapidly became one of Canada’s leading secular/humanist organizations. The organizations 2024 report was released via the CFIC website on March 9, 2025.

CFIC’s lead claim for the year appears to be that, “GLOBALLY AND ACROSS CANADA SECULARISM, SCIENCE AND HUMAN RIGHTS HAVE BEEN… UNDER ATTACK.” (all caps courtesy of CFIC). The report provide some description of how it has responded to the situation.

In addition to providing an annual report, CFIC makes available a statement of its financial position. This is a part of the organization’s responsibility as a registered charity. This information helps to reveal information about the organization’s scope and active membership.

Given that CFIC’s membership fees are $45 (individual) and $60 (family), we can determine that CFIC reported a membership of approximately 205-275 people for the year. The annual donation figures provide a much less precise measure of the organization’s scope as these revenues are typically skewed by a small number of large donors. In CFIC’s first years of operations, a single family foundation provided the primary sustenance of the organization.

Of some reasonable concern is the distribution of the organization’s expenses as some 41.7% of the organization’s revenues appears to have been sent to “subcontractors”. The annual report does not make clear what the subcontractors did for the organization. Given that this line is the single largest in value for the organizations’ report and that it is more than double the “program” expenses, some additional transparency may be appropriate to explain what the expenses represent.

In a 2008 article, Mark Blumberg posted an article regarding the use of funds by charities, “Some people use the 80/20 rule because the Canadian disbursement quota (DQ) requires charities in most cases to spend 80% of the amount receipted by the charity in the previous year on charitable activities in the following year.  The 80/20 rule is very misleading in terms of overhead as many charities receipt little of their donations and therefore can legally spend much less than 80% of their revenue in the previous year on the subsequent year’s activities and still be compliant with the disbursement quota.  In fact, many charities could take in a lot, and spend nothing, and still be compliant with their disbursement quota obligations.”

Blumberg goes on cite Canada Revenue Agency guidance to assessing the activity of charitable organizations:

“The CRA has come up with a grid for evaluating fundraising expenses based on the percentage of “fundraising costs” to “fundraising revenue”.  The evaluation grid provides:

Ratio of fundraising cost/fundraising revenue in fiscal period

  • Rarely acceptable: more than 70% (charity nets less than 30%)
  • Generally not acceptable: 50% to 70% (charity nets 30% to 50%)
  • Potentially not acceptable: 35.1% to 49.9% (charity nets 50.1% to 64.9%)
  • Generally acceptable: 20% to 35% (charity nets 65% to 80%)
  • Acceptable: less than 20% (charity nets more than 80%)”

Given CFIC’s activity expressing concern regarding the “cost of religion in Canada’ which includes an examination of financial indicators of faith-based charities in Canada, it seems appropriate that CFIC’s financial report receive at least some public, independent third-party scrutiny.

Up For Discussion

If you’re interested in analyzing and discussing this issue, there are actions you can take. First, here at Humanist Heritage Canada (Humanist Freedoms), we are open to receiving your well-written articles.

Second, we encourage you to visit the New Enlightenment Project’s (NEP) Facebook page and discussion group.

Citations, References And Other Reading

  1. Featured Photo Courtesy of :
  2. https://www.canada.ca/en/revenue-agency/services/charities-giving/charities/operating-a-registered-charity/annual-spending-requirement-disbursement-quota/disbursement-quota-calculation.html
  3. https://centreforinquiry.ca/become-a-member-of-cfic/
  4. https://www.canadiancharitylaw.ca/blog/how_much_should_canadian_charity_spend_on_overhead/
  5. https://centreforinquiry.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/CoR-charitable-tax-receipting-revised-may-6.pdf

By continuing to access, link to, or use this website and/or podcast, you accept the HumanistFreedoms.com and HumanistHeritageCanada.ca Terms of Service in full. If you disagree with the terms of service in whole or in part, you must not use the website, podcast or other material.

The views, opinions and analyses expressed in the articles on Humanist Freedoms are those of the contributor(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the publishers.

New Enlightenment Project 2025 Report

Following is the annual President’s message from the New Enlightenment Project (NEP), a Canadian humanist initiative. NEP was founded in 2021 to provide a platform where all subjects of concern to Humanists could be discussed freely and where civilized debate could be held without fear. Since that beginning, NEP appears to have enjoyed continuous growth in scope and activity.


Greetings, fellow humanists,


As President of The New Enlightenment Project (NEP), it is my privilege to present this report to you, reflecting on a year of meaningful progress in our mission to promote reason, science, and compassion as guiding principles in the pursuit of knowledge. I extend my heartfelt gratitude to all of you who have continued to embrace and champion Enlightenment ideals alongside us. Our national non-profit corporation, with board members from Quebec, Ontario, Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia, has made significant strides this past year, and I am excited to share our accomplishments with you.


Publications and Outreach
This past year, we’ve amplified our voice through various publications and partnerships. Humanist Heritage Canada graciously supported our efforts by publishing my 2024 President’s Report online, a gesture we hope will continue in the future. Meanwhile, Humanistically Speaking Magazine, published in the United Kingdom, featured an article I coauthored with [Edan] Tasca of the Centre for Inquiry Canada, entitled Woke Ironies: Achieving the Opposite of Its Stated Goals. In it, we offer a critical analysis of Wokism, which can be viewed as a religion or as a mind virus, often at odds with Enlightenment humanism. We argue that for Wokism to align with its progressive aspirations, it must abandon regressive tendencies, shed racist assumptions, protect all vulnerable individuals regardless of perceived oppression, and foster a compassionate society by forgiving mistakes. This article, available at Woke ironies: achieving the opposite of its stated goals, has sparked discussion and was translated into French for republication in Le Québec Humaniste.

In July 2024, Humanistically Speaking Magazine published another piece I wrote, How pseudoscientific ideas about food and medicine have helped to devalue science, reason, and all things Western. This article, too, was translated into French and appeared in the December issue of Le Québec Sceptique. Additionally, I recently co-authored What Is a Man? with my son and that article is in the Winter 2024 issue of Humanist Perspectives: What is a man? Exploring the concept of gender — Humanist Perspectives Magazine.

I have also written and submitted for publication, From Lawyers to School Children: Deconstructing the Mass Grave Narrative. Starting with B.C. lawyer Jim Heller’s decision last month to suit his professional association for libel, this article examines how a proto-religion has emerged based on a “noble savage myth” that demands facts be twisted or ignored to support a pre-assumed narrative. I also interview Jim about his experiences with cults and the B.C. Law Society for our podcast series:


Events and Interviews
Our outreach efforts have extended beyond the writing of articles. In June 2024, Frances Widdowson interviewed me for her website, The Woke Academy, about the book Grave Error. That same month, I presented to Humanist Canada – Vancouver on the topic of self and identity. In October, I interviewed Nasser Yousefi, head of Toronto’s Peace School. This interview looks into the educational philosophy informing the school and can be found on the NEP website here:
Schools must adapt or become obsolete says head of Toronto’s new “Peace School” – THE NEW ENLIGHTENMENT PROJECT. Fellow board member, Scott Jacobsen, has conducted a series of interviews with the founders of the Toronto Peace School and has published them separately.


Board Contributions
Our board has been instrumental in driving NEP’s mission forward:


Robert Hamilton, Vice-President, wrote the script for our membership invitation. He has also delivered a mini-webinar on Enlightenment humanism, followed by a discussion with Scott Jacobsen. The video is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VOaUJkoZStQ.


Michel Pion, Treasurer and podcast technician, is designing our new website, set to launch in May 2025.


Ullrich Fischer, Secretary, manages our Facebook page (New Enlightenment Project Discussion Group) and is leading our pursuit of charitable status.


Scott Jacobsen, Director of Advocacy, has been contributed with print interviews such as this one with Lawrence Krauss Dr. Lawrence Krauss Talks About Nothing and Humanism – THE NEW ENLIGHTENMENT PROJECT, and a video interview with Steven Pinker (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WI4gSMHEDXM&t=21s). Scott also penned a letter to the federal government advocating for reduced disproportionate religious funding.


George Hewson continues crafting concise, accessible tracts on Humanism and Economics; Humanism and Religion; Humanism and Science; Humanism and The Enlightenment; Humanism and Democracy; Humanism and First Peoples; Humanism and Wokism; and Sexuality and Gender.


Michel Virard, our elder statesman, tirelessly translates and republishes our materials into French.


Frances Widdowson, our newest board member, joined us shortly after a public meeting I attended on behalf of NEP was disrupted by Woke agitators. The unedited video of that event is available at Bing Videos.

Discussion Paper on Palestine
In February 2025, our board released a discussion paper on the Palestine conflict, offering a humanistic and historical perspective. It examines the roles of colonization, nationalism, and religion in perpetuating the crisis and has sparked valuable discourse, accessible at https://nephumanism.ca/2025/02/28/discussion-paper-on-palestine/. The discussion paper is a “living document” in that it will change with new information and perspectives.


Looking Ahead
Ours is a working board of dedicated individuals each committed toward working together in humanism. As we approach the midpoint of 2025, NEP remains committed to advancing Enlightenment humanism across Canada and beyond. With a new website on the horizon, ongoing advocacy efforts, and a growing body of published work, we are poised to deepen our impact. I thank our board, members and supporters for their unwavering dedication to this cause. Together, we will continue to illuminate the path forward with reason, science, and compassion.


Going forward in humanism,


Lloyd Hawkeye Robertson, President
The New Enlightenment Project: A Canadian Humanist Initiative

Up For Discussion

If you’re interested in analyzing and discussing this issue, there are actions you can take. First, here at Humanist Heritage Canada (Humanist Freedoms), we are open to receiving your well-written articles.

Second, we encourage you to visit the New Enlightenment Project’s (NEP) Facebook page and discussion group.

Citations, References And Other Reading

  1. Featured Photo Courtesy of : New Enlightenment Project
  2. https://www.humanisticallyspeaking.org/post/woke-ironies-achieving-the-opposite-of-its-stated-goals
  3. https://nep-humanism.ca/about/
  4. https://www.humanisticallyspeaking.org/post/how-pseudoscientific-ideas-about-food-and-medicine-have-helped-to-devalue-science-reason-and-all-t
  5. https://nep-humanism.ca/2024/10/14/schools-must-adapt-or-become-obsolete-says-head-of-torontos-new-peace-school/
  6. https://nep-humanism.ca/2025/01/26/lawrence-krauss-nothing-humanism/

By continuing to access, link to, or use this website and/or podcast, you accept the HumanistFreedoms.com and HumanistHeritageCanada.ca Terms of Service in full. If you disagree with the terms of service in whole or in part, you must not use the website, podcast or other material.

The views, opinions and analyses expressed in the articles on Humanist Freedoms are those of the contributor(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the publishers.

Reading List: Eliot Hanowski’s “Towards a Godless Dominion

According to McGill-Queen’s University Press, Elliot Hanowski is an academic librarian at the University of Manitoba. Hanowski is the author of Towards A Godless Dominion: Unbelief in Interwar Canada. Hanowski is also one of the founders of the International Society for Historians of Atheism, Secularism and Humanism.

The book appears to be an obvious must-read for anyone wishing to examine Canada’s humanist heritage…and we’ll be acquiring a copy soon so that we may share our impressions.

In the meantime, we’ll make do with an overview provided by the publishers:

In recent surveys, one in four Canadians say they have no religion. A century ago Canada was widely considered to be a Christian nation, and the vast majority of Canadians claimed they were devoutly religious. But some were determined to resist. In the 1920s and ’30s, groups of militant unbelievers formed across Canada to push back against the dominance of religion.

Towards a Godless Dominion explores both anti-religious activism and the organized opposition unbelievers faced from Christian Canada during the interwar period. Despite Christianity’s prominence, anti-religious ideas were propagated by lectures in theatres, through newspapers, and out on the streets. Secularist groups in Montreal, Toronto, Winnipeg, and Vancouver actively tried to win people away from religious belief. In the first two cities, they were met with stiff repression by the state, which convicted unbelievers of blasphemous libel, broke up their meetings, and banned atheistic literature from circulating. In the latter two cities unbelievers met social disapproval rather than official persecution. Looking at interwar controversies around religion, such as arguments about faith healing and fundamentalist campaigns against teaching evolution, Elliot Hanowski shows how unbelievers were able to use these conflicts to get their skeptical message across to the public.

Challenging the stereotype of Canada as a tolerant, secular nation, Towards a Godless Dominion returns to a time when intolerant forms of Christianity ruled a country that was considered more religious than the United States.

Up For Discussion

If you’re interested in analyzing and discussing this issue, there are actions you can take. First, here at Humanist Heritage Canada (Humanist Freedoms), we are open to receiving your well-written articles.

Second, we encourage you to visit the New Enlightenment Project’s (NEP) Facebook page and discussion group.

Citations, References And Other Reading

  1. Featured Photo Courtesy of : https://umanitoba.academia.edu/ElliotHanowski
  2. https://www.mqup.ca/towards-a-godless-dominion-products-9780228018834.php#!prettyPhoto

By continuing to access, link to, or use this website and/or podcast, you accept the HumanistFreedoms.com and HumanistHeritageCanada.ca Terms of Service in full. If you disagree with the terms of service in whole or in part, you must not use the website, podcast or other material.

The views, opinions and analyses expressed in the articles on Humanist Freedoms are those of the contributor(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the publishers.

Statistics Canada: Migration from USA to Canada

In light of recent interest in Canada-USA relations, Statistics Canada has released an analysis of migration flows from the US to Canada.

The analysis, and the information it is based on, is not interesting merely to satisfy curiosity about how many “Americans” are moving to Canada – nor even to fuel narrow and competitive nationalist views between the two countries. Instead, this information seems valuable to understand who may be interested to move to Canada as policies within the USA change over time. And, incidentally, what perspectives they may wish to bring to Canada as their new home.

This interest to know who may wish to join Canadian society, and why, is stimulated by recent USA politics, but a similar curiosity ought to extend to any jurisdiction from which Canada accepts a significant quantity of immigrants.

Humanists should use controversial topics of this kind to inform their humanist principles…and use their humanist principles to inform their outlook on controversial topics of this kind.

We present the StatsCan report in full below for those who may be interested.

Recent trends in migration flows from the United States to Canada

by Feng Hou and Max Stick

Release date: March 26, 2025

Introduction

Canada has long been a destination for American expatriates because of its geographic proximity, familiar culture and similar socioeconomic environment. However, migration flows have historically fluctuated in response to economic, political and social factors (Boyd, 1981; Kobayashi & Ray, 2005). Notably, shifts in U.S. administration policies—particularly those affecting immigration, labour markets and social stability—have influenced U.S. residents’ intentions to move north (Croucher, 2011).

Media reports have offered mixed assessments of how political shifts in the United States impact migration to Canada (Benenson & Mattey, 2025; Cain, 2016; Singer, 2024). These reports primarily focus on U.S. citizens, overlooking the migration of U.S. non-citizen residents. This group is often more affected by U.S. immigration policy changes and is a key target of Canada’s efforts to attract high-skilled workers (Arnold, 2020; Rose, 2020). Additionally, little attention has been given to Canadian-born individuals and permanent residents who previously resided in the United States but returned to live in Canada.

This article examines recent trends in migration flows from the United States to Canada. U.S. immigrants are individuals who obtained permanent residency in Canada and whose country of birth, citizenship or last residence was the United States.Note  The analysis distinguishes five immigrant categories: (1) U.S.-born individuals whose last country of residence was the United States, (2) U.S. citizens born outside the United States, (3) U.S. non-citizen residents, (4) U.S. citizens who were temporary residents in Canada before obtaining Canadian permanent residencyNote  and (5) U.S. citizens who were temporary residents in a third country before obtaining Canadian permanent residency. The analysis draws on data from the Longitudinal Immigration Database. The article also uses Canadian census data to estimate the number of Canadian-born individuals and Canadian permanent residents who previously lived in the United States and returned to live in Canada.  

While this study explores whether migration flows from the United States to Canada align with changes in U.S. administrations, any observed patterns should not be interpreted as causal. Beyond political factors, economic conditions and personal motivations also influence migration decisions. The relative strength of U.S. and Canadian labour markets affects cross-border movement, as seen during the 2008 financial crisis, which led more Americans to seek jobs abroad (Singer & Wilson, 2009). Additionally, Canadian immigration policies—such as Express Entry for skilled workers and targeted programs for health care and technology professionals—may have facilitated migration from the United States since 2015 (Arnold, 2020).

Migration flows of U.S. citizens and residents to Canada

Chart 1 presents the number of U.S. immigrants to Canada, revealing several salient trends in their composition and numbers.

First, there have been significant changes in the composition of U.S. immigrant inflows to Canada based on U.S. citizenship status, country of birth and country of last residence. In the early 1980s, almost all immigrants were U.S. citizens, with more than three-quarters born and last residing in the United States. While this share declined in the following decade, it remained above two-thirds until the early 2010s, when it began to drop rapidly. Meanwhile, the proportion of U.S. non-citizen residents immigrating to Canada rose sharply from the early 2010s, reaching 45% in 2019—the year before the COVID-19 pandemic. The share of U.S. citizens who were previously temporary residents in Canada also increased significantly during this period, peaking at 54% in 2017 and fluctuating in subsequent years. The proportion of immigrants who were not born in the United States but acquired U.S. citizenship ranged from about 8% to 12% before the early 2010s but declined to 2% by the early 2020s. As a result of these shifts, the majority of U.S. immigrants to Canada in recent years have been either U.S. non-citizen residents or U.S. citizens who had already been living in Canada.Note 

Second, there was no clear correlation between changes in U.S. government administrations and the number of U.S. immigrants to Canada from the early 1980s to mid-2005. The decline in inflows during the early 1980s was a continuation of the gradual decline from a peak in the mid-1970s, following the end of the Vietnam War, and coincided with recessions in the United States and Canada (Kobayashi & Ray, 2005). Similarly, the decline in the early 1990s corresponded with an economic downturn and a reduction in overall immigration levels in Canada. Inflows of U.S. immigrants remained low until the early 2000s.

Chart 1: Numbers of new permanent residents to Canada who were U.S. citizens or U.S. residents before immigrating to Canada, 1980 to 2023

Data table for Chart 1

Third, fluctuations in U.S. immigration to Canada following changes in U.S. government administrations since the mid-2000s were associated with different categories of U.S. immigrants. U.S. citizen residents (both those born in and outside the United States) were the primary drivers of the increase in migration to Canada during the second term of the 43rd presidential administration and the decline in the early years of the 44th administration. In contrast, the rise in inflows during the initial years of the 45th administration was driven primarily by U.S. non-citizen residents whose numbers quadrupled from 2,100 in 2016 to 9,310 in 2019. This may suggest that restrictive U.S. immigration policies—such as visa caps, delays in employment-based green cards and heightened deportation risks—pushed temporary migrants (e.g., H-1B workers and international students) to seek more stable opportunities in Canada. Conversely, U.S. immigration to Canada decreased by 20% in the first three years of the 46th administration compared with the same point in the 45th administration, despite a 38% increase in overall immigration during this period. This decline was primarily driven by U.S. non-citizen residents.

Returning Canadians from the United States

Chart 2 presents the estimated number of returning Canadian-born individuals and permanent residentsNote  who lived in the United States five years prior but resided in Canada at the time of the census.Note 

The number of returning Canadian-born individuals increased by 92% from 1996 (under the 42nd presidential administration) to 2006 (under the 43rd administration) before declining by 29% from 2006 to 2016 (under the 44th administration). Similarly, the number of returning Canadian permanent residents rose by 122% from 1996 to 2006, followed by a 23% decline over the next decade. These trends suggest that the trend of returning Canadians broadly aligned with changes in U.S. government administrations from the mid-1990s to the mid-2010s. From 2016 to 2021, there was a small decrease in the number of returning Canadian-born individuals (-6%), while the number of returning permanent residents increased by 15%. The inflow in the 2016-to-2021 period was likely affected by COVID-19 travel restrictions.

Chart 2: Estimated number of Canadian-born individuals and Canadian permanent residents returning from the United States to Canada in the previous five years

Data table for Chart 2

Returning Canadian-born individuals and permanent residents were more likely to be in their prime working years and had higher educational attainment than other Canadian-born individuals and permanent residents in Canada. In 2021, 58% of returning Canadian-born individuals and 72% of returning permanent residents were aged 25 to 64, compared with 50% of other Canadian-born individuals and 64% of other permanent residents. Among those in this age group, 64% of returning Canadian-born individuals and 70% of returning permanent residents held a bachelor’s degree or higher, compared with 27% of other Canadian-born individuals and 42% of other permanent residents. These findings suggest that individuals with higher levels of human capital tend to be more mobile.

In sum, there have been significant shifts in the composition of U.S. immigrants to Canada since the 1980s, when migration inflows were dominated by U.S. residents born in the United States. In recent years, the majority of U.S. immigrants to Canada have been either U.S. non-citizen residents or U.S. citizens who were temporary residents in Canada. These changes are likely driven in part by the large increase of temporary foreign workers in Canada and the increasing selection of immigrants from this pool (Hou, Crossman & Picot, 2020).

Additionally, the number of U.S. citizen residents (both those born in and outside the United States) moving to Canada increased during the second term of the 43rd presidential administration and declined during the 44th administration, whereas U.S. non-citizen residents moving to Canada quadrupled in the first three years of the 45th administration and decreased under the 46th administration. The movement of Canadian-born individuals and permanent residents returning from the United States also reflected shifts in U.S. government administrations.

Looking ahead, given the changing political and economic landscape in the United States, the results of this study could inform the potential immigration patterns of U.S. non-citizen and Canadian-born individuals currently living in the U.S. to Canada over the next several years.

Authors

Feng Hou and Max Stick are with the Social Analysis and Modelling Division, Analytical Studies and Modelling Branch, at Statistics Canada.

References

Arnold, Z. (2020). Canada’s skilled immigration system increasingly draws talent from the United States.

Benenson, L. & Mattey. (2025). Trump’s First 100 Days: Potential Immigration Actions. Accessed February 12, 2025.

Boyd, M. (1981). The American emigrant in Canada: Trends and consequences. International Migration Review15(4), 650-670.

Cain, P. (2016.) Some U.S. liberals walk the walk: Immigration to Canada doubled after Bush’s 2004 re-election. Global News. Accessed February 11, 2025.

Croucher, S. (2011). The nonchalant migrants: Americans living north of the 49th parallel. International Migration & Integration,12:113–131.

Hou, F., Crossman, E., & Picot, G. (2020). Two-step immigration selection: An analysis of its expansion in Canada. Statistics Canada: Economic Insights, Catalogue no. 11-626-X — 2020009 – No. 112.

IRCC. (n.d.). Permanent Residents – Monthly IRCC Updates – Canada – Permanent Residents by Country of Citizenship. Open Government Portal. Accessed February 15, 2025.

Kobayashi, A., & Ray, B. (2005). Placing American emigration to Canada in context. Migration Policy Institute. Accessed February 11, 2025.

Rose, J. (2020). Canada wins, U.S. loses in global fight for high-Tech workers. NPR.

Singer, A. & Wilson, J. (2009). How the Recession’s Affecting Immigration. The Brookings Institution. Accessed February 13, 2025.

Singer, C. (2022). What Americans Should Know About Canada Immigration in Light of Trump’s Election Victory – Canada Immigration and Visa Information. Canadian Immigration Services and Free Online Evaluation. Accessed February 15, 2025.

Statistics Canada. (2022). Immigrants make up the largest share of the population in over 150 years and continue to shape who we are as Canadians. Statistics Canada, The Daily. Accessed February 13, 2025.

Notes

Note 

Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) usually uses the country of citizenship to define the source country in reporting immigrant statistics (e.g., IRCC n.d.), while statistics from Canadian census data generally use the country of birth (e.g., Statistics Canada, 2022).  

Note 

This group includes those who reported Canada as their country of last residence or held temporary residency permits in Canada before obtaining Canadian permanent residency.

Note 

Additional analysis revealed variations in sociodemographic characteristics across different types of U.S. immigrants (table not shown). In 2019, 92% of U.S. non-citizen residents were admitted through the economic class, compared with 35% of U.S. citizens who were temporary residents in Canada and 59% of U.S. citizen residents. Among economic principal applicants, 89% of U.S. non-citizen residents held a graduate degree, compared with 47% of U.S. citizens who were temporary residents in Canada and 66% of U.S. citizen residents born in the United States.

Note 

Returning permanent residents are individuals who obtained Canadian permanent residency at least six years before the census. Similar trends are observed when a restriction criterion of five or seven years before the census was used.

Note 

This method is different from that of the Demographic Estimates Program at Statistics Canada.

Up For Discussion

If you’re interested in analyzing and discussing this issue, there are actions you can take. First, here at Humanist Heritage Canada (Humanist Freedoms), we are open to receiving your well-written articles.

Second, we encourage you to visit the New Enlightenment Project’s (NEP) Facebook page and discussion group.

Citations, References And Other Reading

  1. Featured Photo Courtesy of :
  2. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/36-28-0001/2025003/article/00004-eng.htm

By continuing to access, link to, or use this website and/or podcast, you accept the HumanistFreedoms.com and HumanistHeritageCanada.ca Terms of Service in full. If you disagree with the terms of service in whole or in part, you must not use the website, podcast or other material.

The views, opinions and analyses expressed in the articles on Humanist Freedoms are those of the contributor(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the publishers.

Canada: Election 2025

A federal general election has been called for April 28, 2025. Throughout the month, we’ll refresh this post with any news, information or resources that may be of interest. Check back often!

1745881200

  days

  hours  minutes  seconds

until

Ontario Provincial General Election

Having achieved leadership of the Liberal Party of Canada, Mark Carney announced that voters will have their opportunity to reflect on Canadian politics and submit their vote in the 45th general election.

Elections Canada has provided an informational video to help Canadians to know what to expect when they go to vote:

This election became inevitable as confidence in the Liberal government, as led by Justin Trudeau, had been effectively lost late in 2024. However, the lack of confidence in Trudeau’s Liberals has not been the dominant issue in the news. Canadian’s attention has shifted from whether the Liberals could be trusted to govern in the post-COVID global environment to what Canada and Canadians must do in light of dramatic changes in the foreign and trade policies of the United States of America.

In the meantime, what can we expect politicians and media to focus on until election day? Here are a few obvious topics:

  • National Unity and Federalism: Quebec separatism, Western alienation, US-Canada relations and the role of the federal government in addressing regional concerns and national unity.
  • Foreign Aid Policy, Trade, International Relations: Global relationships are getting a shake-up. Canadians may be getting a wake-up.
  • Climate Change and Environment: Canada’s commitment to reducing greenhouse gas emissions, renewable energy policies, and addressing the impacts of climate change, selling oil.
  • Economic Growth and Inequality: A few decades ago, Jean Chretien won an election on a chant of Jobs! Jobs! Jobs!….in 2025, it may be time for a politician to chant Homes! Homes! Homes.
  • Immigration and Border Security: The management of Canada’s immigration system, border security, and the balance between economic growth, social cohesion and pressures imposed by the USA.
  • Gun Control and Public Safety: Gun control laws and measures to address public safety concerns, including mental health and community well-being and human rights.

Some potential (and perennial) concerns for Canadian humanists in the 2025 federal election might include:

  • Secularism and Church-State Separation: Humanists in Canada should continue to be concerned about the role of religion in public life and the separation of church and state.
  • Science, Education and Critical Thinking: Humanists will want nee to be on the watch for science and critical-thinking in policy-making.
  • Social Justice and Human Rights: Humanists often prioritize social justice, equality, and human rights, including issues like LGBTQ+ rights, access to healthcare, and Indigenous reconciliation.
  • Freedom of Expression and Speech: Humanists may advocate for the protection of freedom of expression and speech, including the right to criticize religion and other forms of oppression.
  • Social Justice: Addressing issues of poverty, inequality, and systemic racism, including promoting affordable housing, increasing the minimum wage, and supporting marginalized communities.
  • Environmental Protection: Taking action to address climate change, promoting renewable energy, and protecting Ontario’s natural resources for future generations.

Canadians are well-aware that the primary options for electing a candidate in their riding include, along with the already-mentioned Liberals, the Conservative Party of Canada as led by Pierre Poilievre, Jagmeet Singh New Democratic Party , the Green Party of Canada and the Bloc Quebecois (for those living in Quebec).

Certainly, there are a few aspiring hopefuls, like Maxime Bernier’s People’s Party of Canada, but Canadians also know the real contest of who will form the next government is between team blue and team red.

Pundits, experts and horse-race fans will be eager to pitch their favorite team based on their individual biases. And that may be the biggest hint that any humanist voter needs to make their local selection. Take heed of your preferences, biases and priorities and vote for whichever party or candidate that seems likeliest to make decisions the way you want them made.

Up For Discussion

If you’re interested in analyzing and discussing this issue, there are actions you can take. First, here at Humanist Heritage Canada (Humanist Freedoms), we are open to receiving your well-written articles.

Second, we encourage you to visit the New Enlightenment Project’s (NEP) Facebook page and discussion group.

Citations, References And Other Reading

  1. Featured Photo Courtesy of :
  2. https://www.elections.ca/home.aspx
  3. https://www.elections.ca/content.aspx?section=pol&dir=par&document=index&lang=e

By continuing to access, link to, or use this website and/or podcast, you accept the HumanistFreedoms.com and HumanistHeritageCanada.ca Terms of Service in full. If you disagree with the terms of service in whole or in part, you must not use the website, podcast or other material.

The views, opinions and analyses expressed in the articles on Humanist Freedoms are those of the contributor(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the publishers.

Spiritual Boredom is Associated With Over- and Under-challenge , Lack of Value and Reduced Motivation

Abstract

The emotion of boredom has attracted considerable research interest. However, boredom experienced in spiritual contexts (i.e., spiritual boredom) has rarely been investigated. Based on control-value theory (CVT), we investigated the occurrence, antecedents, and motivational effects of spiritual boredom in five different spiritual contexts: yoga, meditation, silence retreats, Catholic sermons, and pilgrimage. For each context, we conducted two independent studies, one including trait and another including state measures. The set of 10 studies included a total sample of N = 1267 adults. We complemented individual study results with an internal meta-analysis. The results showed a mean level of spiritual boredom of M¯ = 1.91 on a scale of 1 to 5. In line with CVT, spiritual boredom was positively related to being overchallenged (r¯ = 0.44) in 9 out of the 10 studies and positively related to being underchallenged (r¯ = 0.44) in all studies. Furthermore, as expected, spiritual boredom was negatively related to perceived value in all studies (r¯ = −0.54). Finally, boredom was negatively related to motivation to engage in spiritual practice (r¯ = −0.46) across studies. Directions for future research and practical implications are discussed.

  • Thomas Goetz,
  • Jonathan Fries, 
  • Lisa Stempfer, 
  • Lukas Kraiger, 
  • Sarah Stoll, 
  • Lena Baumgartner, 
  • Yannis L. Diamant, 
  • Caroline Porics, 
  • Bibiana Sonntag, 
  • Silke Würglauer, 
  • Reinhard Pekrun 
  • Wijnand A. P. van Tilburg & 

Introduction

“The existential vacuum manifests itself mainly in a state of boredom”.

(Viktor E. Frankl; Austrian neurologist, psychologist, and philosopher; 1905–19971)

The last 15 years have seen a substantial increase in studies on boredom2. A key reason for this growing interest is the accumulating empirical evidence on the effects of boredom on a wide range of critically important outcomes, including poorer physical and mental health, problematic eating habits, substance use, reduced motivation, and poor performance3.

One context that is becoming increasingly important in Western societies and can cause boredom is the spiritual context4, which includes practices such as yoga, meditation, and pilgrimage5,6. It is intriguing that there is a clear lack of research on the levels, antecedents, and effects of boredom in spiritual contexts. There is a study7 that investigated “void” (a combination of boredom and psychological entropy), from which one could draw a cautious and limited conclusion about the levels, antecedents and effects of spiritual boredom. An example of the neglect of spiritual boredom is the highly cited “Handbook of Psychology of Religion and Spirituality8, which does not even mention the terms “boredom” or “bored”.

A key reason why spiritual boredom has been neglected may be that it is theoretically unexpected that spiritual contexts could ever be boring. People typically engage in these contexts voluntarily and with high motivation, seeking meaning and fulfillment in their lives. The intuition that spiritual boredom is likely to be low is consistent with propositions of Pekrun’s9,10,11,12 control-value theory (CVT). Spiritual practices are intuitively neither over- nor underchallenging, which means that levels of perceived control are likely to be appropriate. Furthermore, spiritual contexts can be assumed to be inherently high in value. According to CVT, appropriate levels of control and high perceived value should prevent boredom13,14.

However, a closer look reveals that some practices are not individualized (e.g., sermons, instructed yoga practices7). As such, they could lead to being over- or underchallenged and, consequently, to boredom. Furthermore, some spiritual practices may actually be of little value to some people, especially if they become routine (e.g., meditation; walking routines on long pilgrimages) or are performed due to externally defined obligations (e.g., attending religious services), which also might lead to boredom.

In this research, we drew upon the theoretical propositions on boredom outlined in CVT and explored the extent to which boredom is experienced during spiritual practice, and whether it is related in theoretically plausible ways to the antecedents of boredom mentioned above (non-optimal levels of control, i.e., over- or underchallenge, and value appraisals). In addition, we examined how boredom relates to the motivation to engage in spiritual practice, also within the framework of CVT. We examined these relations using both trait and state measures to capture both habitual and situational experiences of spiritual boredom. To gain an understanding of boredom in spiritual practice, we selected five different exemplary contexts: Yoga, meditation, silence retreats, sermons (as part of Catholic worship), and pilgrimages. Based on the results from the 10 single studies included in this research, we conducted internal meta-analyses on the levels, antecedents, and effects of spiritual boredom.

As a first step, we reviewed the current state of research on definition, occurrence, antecedents, and effects of spiritual boredom. To this end, we conducted a comprehensive literature search in PsycInfo, APA PsycArticles, PSYNDEX, and Web of Science. We searched for publications on “spiritual boredom” as well as publications on boredom in relation to the five specific spiritual contexts that are the focus of our research: yoga, meditation, sermons, silence retreats, and pilgrimage. We used the search terms “(Boredom OR Bored) AND (Spiritual* OR Yoga OR Meditation OR Meditating OR Sermon OR Church OR ‘Silence Retreat’ OR Pilgrimage).”

The search was performed on March 26th, 2024, and yielded a total of 318 results after removing duplicates. In the next step, we screened the publications based on the following criteria: 1) providing a definition of spiritual boredom, and/or 2) reporting the prevalence of boredom experienced in the spiritual context, and/or outlining or empirically investigating 3) antecedents or 4) effects of spiritual boredom. None of the articles retrieved met any of these criteria. For example, the studies we found looked at whether spiritual or religious people were less bored than others15.

Therefore, it is clear that there is currently a lack of empirical research on spiritual boredom. However, beyond this literature review, we identified a few relevant studies that are related to spiritual boredom, although not directly focusing on it. These include a study investigating “void”7 (a combination of boredom and psychological entropy) and a publication in the field of theology16 assessing boredom during Catholic services as an additional variable that was not central to his study.

Depending on historical time and culture, different terms have been used to describe the feeling of “boredom,” including tedium, melancholia, acedia, ennui, and monotony17. Beyond these different terms, there are several definitions of boredom that can vary across scientific domains. To conceptualize boredom in our study, we refer to the component process model of emotions18,19, which posits that emotions are best understood through their underlying processes. From this perspective, boredom can be defined as a unique emotional process consisting of four components: affective (an unpleasant, aversive feeling), cognitive (altered perception of time, mind wandering, attention failures), motivational (a desire to withdraw from the current situation), and physiological/expressive (low arousal, yawning, looking tired3,20,21).

Similar to other types of boredom (e.g., academic boredom, leisure time boredom), spiritual boredom can be conceptualized as either a trait or a state. This distinction aligns with previous research on boredom and other emotions (e.g., anxiety22,23). Trait spiritual boredom is defined as habitual boredom experienced in spiritual situations, that is, boredom that recurs across various spiritual contexts and over time. In contrast, state spiritual boredom refers to the current experience of boredom in a specific spiritual situation. Based on the relative universality assumptions of CVT9,10,11,24, similar structural relations with antecedents and outcomes can be assumed for both trait and state spiritual boredom.

An important issue in defining spiritual boredom is determining what constitutes a “spiritual context.” Definitions of the term “spirituality” vary widely across different fields of research, including psychology, sociology, philosophy, theology, cultural studies, and history25. Despite these variations, a common element in almost all definitions of spirituality is the search for and belief in something sacred that transcends the material world26,27,28. Consistent with this view, the Cambridge Dictionary defines “spirituality” as “the quality that involves deep feelings and beliefs of a religious nature, rather than the physical parts of life.”

However, whether a situation is considered spiritual can vary substantially between and within individuals. Everyday experiences can sometimes be perceived as spiritual (e.g., looking at the night sky). Conversely, what might seem like an obvious spiritual context, such as the routine recitation of prayers, may be perceived as non-spiritual (e.g., as the mere fulfillment of duty). In our work, we follow approaches used in the study of other types of boredom (e.g., “test boredom”29 and “academic boredom” in academic settings3) and define spiritual boredom as boredom experienced in situations that are typically considered to be spiritual in nature.

Spiritual boredom differs from other types of boredom (e.g., academic boredom) in terms of (a) the population experiencing it, which includes people who seek spiritual development and often search for greater meaning in life; (b) the settings, which typically are “silent” environments where spirituality can be experienced and where visits usually are voluntary; and (c) its consequences in terms of a reduction in motivation for spiritual practice and, consequently, spiritual growth.

Based on our literature search, we were unable to identify any studies that assessed the levels of boredom experienced in spiritual contexts. Beyond our literature search, we identified one study7 investigating “void” in the context of mindfulness meditation. Void is a construct that is related to boredom, but it is limited to situations in which nothing is perceived to be happening. The levels of void in mindfulness meditation ranged between 2.4 and 2.8 on a scale ranging from 1 (completely disagree) to 7 (completely agree).

Another quantitative, albeit weakly operationalised, indicator of high levels of spiritual boredom was reported in another study16. In a sample of German Catholics (N = 2649), approximately 50% believed that boredom in Catholic services was particularly prevalent during the sermon. Additionally, several qualitative studies provide statements that can be interpreted as depicting experiences of boredom in spiritual contexts. For example, Cassaniti notes a sentiment regarding a sermon in a Buddhist context: “When I go to an Asanha Bucha Day sermon, I feel … bored”30.

Beyond empirical research, boredom in spiritual contexts is often described in the press and social media. For example, there are articles discussing boring sermons, often featuring statements from worshippers, such as: “I quite like the whole liturgy, but this impression is ruined again by the boring sermon. In my opinion, the entire sermon consists of empty words31. There are numerous indicators of boredom in Christian traditions, such as paintings depicting people sleeping during sermons25. In the Middle Ages, boredom was recognized as a spiritual malaise known as “acedia” (Latin word), characterized by listlessness and melancholy32. Christians referred to it as the “demon of noontide,” a concept described by St. Thomas Aquinas (1273) as the “sorrow of the world” and the “enemy of spiritual joy”15,33,34. In summary, although empirical evidence on the extent of spiritual boredom is lacking, there is ample anecdotal evidence from the Middle Ages to the present that spiritual boredom may indeed be common.

Although there is no specific theory addressing the antecedents of spiritual boredom, it is reasonable to assume that the primary theoretical antecedents of boredom might also apply to spiritual boredom. These primary antecedents include attentional processes35, cognitive appraisals20, perceived meaning36, and functional value37.

Two constructs frequently highlighted in theories of boredom are inappropriate levels of control (both very high and very low) and lack of value. These constructs are of central importance in the control-value theory (CVT9,12,38). Originally developed primarily for the context of achievement emotions, CVT is increasingly being used to explain other emotions12 and contexts (e.g., leadership39).

CVT posits that individuals’ perceptions of their personal control over, and the value of activities and outcomes are the most important proximal psychosocial antecedents of boredom. CVT includes assumptions on the universality of boredom antecedents24. According to the theory, the structural relations between boredom and its antecedents are similar across different contexts, including spiritual ones. Nevertheless, as the characteristics of spiritual situations can be quite different from other situations (e.g., academic learning or testing situations), for example in terms of the level of competitiveness, these situational differences might lead to different levels of spiritual boredom compared to boredom experienced in other contexts.

Perceived control refers to individuals’ perceived causal influence over their actions and outcomes40. According to CVT, the relation between spiritual boredom and perceived control is curvilinear, with higher levels of boredom experienced when perceived control is either very low or very high3,38. This aligns with traditional approaches to boredom, which attribute its occurrence to a misfit between the person and the environment14,41,42.

The proposed link between levels of control and boredom has received partial support in studies on academic boredom. Perceived control has mainly been found to negatively relate to boredom20,21,38,43,44. This may be because tasks in educational settings are rarely designed to be extremely easy, resulting in very high levels of perceived control and underchallenge being uncommon45,46,47. Furthermore, traditional self-report scales assessing perceived control may not be appropriate for assessing very high and low levels of control. Thus, recent studies have used direct reports of being overchallenged and underchallenged as indicators of very low and very high levels of perceived control. These studies have shown that boredom can indeed occur in situations characterized by both very high and very low perceived control29,48.

Perceived value refers to the perceived relevance and meaning of actions and outcomes to an individual9,12. According to CVT, there is a negative relation between perceived value and boredom. Given the universality assumptions of CVT, we expect that this relation will also apply to spiritual boredom. In this respect, spiritual boredom (like boredom in other contexts) contrasts with other emotions that are generally amplified by perceived importance24. Similar to boredom in other contexts, spiritual boredom is expected to be negatively related to all facets of value (e.g., intrinsic value, extrinsic value12,49). Empirical studies outside the spiritual context have consistently reported negative correlations between boredom and various types of perceived value20,46,50. In particular, value provided by ‘meaning’ is often highlighted in the literature as a crucial antecedent of boredom1,15.

In the context of spiritual practice, we identified a study that examined the relationship between perceived value and experiences related to spiritual boredom. This study of novice meditators7 (N = 175) found that the “void” experienced during mindfulness meditation was negatively related to the perceived meaning of meditation (r = −0.49; p < 0.001). This finding is clearly consistent with the assumptions of CVT.

CVT also provides a framework for understanding the effects of spiritual boredom. Spiritual boredom may deplete cognitive resources by causing mind wandering. For instance, individuals may struggle to maintain focus on bodily sensations during yoga practice. This depletion may subsequently reduce motivation to engage in spiritual tasks, leading to behaviors such as postponing meditation sessions or only very briefly engaging in meditation. Boredom may also encourage the use of superficial strategies, such as not reflecting deeply during a sermon. Furthermore, boredom may interfere with the flexible adaptation of strategies, such as failing to correct inefficient body movements during yoga, ultimately leading to diminished performance and reduced spiritual growth. In essence, spiritual boredom can lead to a number of negative outcomes that hinder the effectiveness of spiritual practices and impede personal development.

Existing research beyond the spiritual context supports theoretical assumptions on the effects of boredom20,21,50,51,52,53,54. In our study, we focus on one critical effect of spiritual boredom: its impact on motivation to engage in spiritual practices.

We found a study indicating that spiritual boredom is related to outcome variables. This research7 found that “void” was negatively related to engagement in meditation (r = −0.54; p < 0.001). This finding is consistent with CVT assumptions that experiences of boredom lead to a loss of motivation. Beyond this study, there are scattered findings on the motivational effects of negative emotions other than boredom (e.g., anxiety, stress, worry) experienced during spiritual practices. These studies indicate that such negative emotions can act as barriers to spiritual practice and as predictors of attrition55,56,57,58. Boredom may have a similarly negative impact on motivation for spiritual practices. Thus, spiritual boredom may represent a previously unrecognized indicator or form of spiritual struggle, with research on the topic emphasizing experiences of tension, strain, or conflict in relation to religion and spirituality59,60.

In sum, based on CVT12, it can be assumed that perceptions of being over- or underchallenged during spiritual practices, as well as judgments that these practices are not valuable, should lead to higher levels of spiritual boredom. Given that over- and underchallenge as well as low perceived value is likely to occur during spiritual practices (e.g., underchallenging sermons; sermons that have no relevance to daily life), it follows that boredom may be prevalent in such contexts. Furthermore, spiritual boredom is expected to lead to low motivation for subsequent practice. In our literature search, we did not find any studies that specifically addressed the occurrence, antecedents, and effects of spiritual boredom. However, as outlined above, various scattered findings from studies indirectly related to our research questions support these assumptions.

Based on the theoretical propositions of CVT, we aimed to test the following hypotheses (see also Fig. 1). We expect these hypotheses to apply to both trait and state spiritual boredom.

figure 1
Fig. 1: Antecedents and effects of spiritual boredom.

Exploratory Research Question: What are the levels of boredom in different spiritual contexts?

Hypothesis 1: Spiritual boredom shows significant positive relations with perceptions of being over- or underchallenged in spiritual practice.

Hypothesis 2: Spiritual boredom shows significantly negative relations with the perceived value of spiritual practice.

Hypothesis 3: Spiritual boredom shows significantly negative relations with the motivation to engage in spiritual practice.

Methods

We investigated five different spiritual contexts: yoga, meditation, silence retreats, sermons (as part of Catholic services), and pilgrimage. By studying five different contexts, we aimed to test the generalizability of our findings. For each context, we conducted two studies with fully independent samples, one using trait measures and the other using state measures of spiritual boredom. The 10 studies were paralleled as much as possible with respect to the assessed constructs to ensure comparability. Based on the 10 studies, we conducted an internal meta-analysis to provide a concise synthesis of our findings. None of the studies were preregistered.

Spiritual contexts

Our study focused on five traditional spiritual practices with different religious/spiritual roots, but commonly observed in Western societies. We wanted to assess contexts that were different, but not too different, as a starting point for research into spiritual boredom.

One focus was on (1) yoga, a spiritual practice that has existed for at least 2500 years61 and pursues a unifying experience of body and mind. We also focused on (2) meditation, which also has existed for at least 2500 years. The key spiritual aspect of meditation is to train attention and awareness to achieve a mentally clear and emotionally calm and stable state. As for (3) silence retreats, the practice of consciously remaining silent for spiritual reasons probably dates back to the earliest humans and has a long tradition in many religions, such as Buddhism, Hinduism, and Christianity. Listening to (4) sermons as part of Catholic services reflects a spiritual practice that has existed for about 2000 years. We have explicitly not referred to Catholic services as a whole, as they consist of different elements (e.g., prayers, chants, rituals, communion, silence) that may evoke different levels of boredom. Finally, (5) pilgrimage is also a traditional spiritual practice found in many religions, such as Christianity, Hinduism, and Islam. However, it is also practiced outside religious contexts, often as a form of spiritual walking or traveling in search of moral or spiritual meaning.

Trait and state assessments

For each of our five spiritual contexts, we conducted both a trait and a state study. The trait assessments focused on habitual experiences of spiritual boredom, while the state assessments focused on situational, momentary experiences. In both types of assessment, we examined the antecedents of spiritual boredom and its impact on motivation to engage in spiritual practice.

Participants

Table 1 provides an overview of the samples for all 10 studies on spiritual boredom in terms of sample sizes, gender distributions, and age. The language of the recruitment process as well as the questionnaires was German, resulting in samples of German-speaking participants. All 10 studies included in this work received ethical approval from the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of the Department of Developmental and Educational Psychology at the University of Vienna.Table 1 Study Participants

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Procedure

All 10 studies took place between December 2021 and July 2024. For all studies, participants were recruited through a variety of methods, including using existing contacts with practitioners of the spiritual practice and institutions offering such practices (e.g., yoga studios, pilgrim associations), and social networks such as WhatsApp, LinkedIn, and Facebook. Contacted individuals and institutions were asked to share information about the study (i.e., snowball sampling62), through which a link to an online questionnaire was distributed. In this recruitment process, studies were labeled as research investigating emotions in the respective context (i.e., yoga, meditation, silence retreat, Catholic sermons, pilgrimage).

For the trait assessments, we aimed to recruit participants with experience in the spiritual practice being studied (i.e., former and current practitioners). For the state assessments, we sought participants who were currently practicing the respective spiritual practice. The questionnaires were created using the SoSci Survey platform63. Upon activation of the link, participants received detailed information about the study, data handling procedures, guarantees of full anonymity, and contact information for the researchers. An exception was the study on state sermon boredom (Study 8). In this study, participants were recruited by trained test administrators in four Catholic churches directly after attending a service.

In all 10 studies, participants had to be at least 18 years old to take part. Participants had to provide their consent before proceeding with the questionnaire. There were no exclusion criteria other than not having experience in spiritual practice, being under 18 years of age, and not giving consent. As for the state assessments, participants were asked to complete the questionnaires immediately after engaging in the spiritual practices. The questionnaire began with demographic information, followed by the assessment of all other variables. No data on race/ethnicity were collected. Participants could stop the assessment at any time without having to give a reason. There was no compensation for participating in the study. The average time taken to complete the questionnaires across the 10 studies ranged from 2.97 min (silence retreat—trait; Study 6) to 8.08 min (pilgrimage—state; Study 10).

Measures

Spiritual boredom

We developed a total of 10 scales to assess trait and state boredom in each of the five spiritual contexts that were addressed in our research (see overview in Table 2; reliabilities of all spiritual boredom scales are shown in this table). Within each spiritual context, the content of the trait and state boredom items was completely parallel, and both scales contained the same number of items. As the spiritual contexts of yoga, meditation, silence retreat, and pilgrimage consist of different typical facets, we developed scales including items assessing boredom related to these facets based on an approach outlined in previous work64, which suggests an assessment of situational facets (e.g., for yoga: physical experiences, breathing exercises, relaxation phase,…). However, as sermons do not contain such typical elements, we developed a scale for this context based on the Achievement Emotions Questionnaire (AEQ50), which takes into account different components of boredom as outlined earlier (i.e., affective, cognitive, motivational, and physiological/expressive components). In addition, each of the scales included an item that directly assessed the overall level of boredom. Examples for these items are: “When I practice yoga, I usually get bored” (Study 1), “During the yoga session I had just completed, I was bored” (Study 2).Table 2 Spiritual Boredom Scales

Participants responded to the items in all boredom scales using a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (completely disagree) to 5 (completely agree). All 10 scales are documented in the online supplemental material (SM1).

To validate the scales, we included a well-established state boredom scale in the state assessments (Studies 2 and 4) for two spiritual contexts, namely yoga and meditation: the MSBS-SF65, which is the short form of the Multidimensional State Boredom Scale (MSBS66). We adapted the items to suit our assessment, which took place immediately after the yoga and meditation sessions. Example items from the MSBS-SF include “My mind was wandering” and “I was easily distracted”. Cronbach’s alpha for this scale was α = 0.94 for both contexts (for the full scale see SM1: SM1_11).

We found strong correlations between the MSBS-SF and the Yoga Boredom Scale—State (YBS-S; r = 0.90, p < 0.001) as well as the MSBS-SF and the Meditation Boredom Scale—State (MBS-S; r = 0.70, p < 0.001), indicating high convergent validity for our state spiritual boredom scales.

Being over- and underchallenged

Based on previous work48, we developed scales to assess levels of over- and underchallenge in each of the 10 studies. Each of the scales was related to the facets of spiritual practices assessed by our spiritual boredom scales. Within each of the spiritual contexts, the scales for being overchallenged and underchallenged were parallel in content and consisted of the same number of items. Furthermore, within each spiritual context, the content of the trait and state challenge items was fully parallel, and the trait and state challenge scales included the same number of items.

Sample items for being over- and underchallenged for the yoga context are “The breathing exercises usually overchallenge me” and “The breathing exercises usually underchallenge me” (trait scales), and “The breathing exercises overchallenged me” and “The breathing exercises underchallenged me” (state scales). For all scales, participants responded using a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (completely disagree) to 5 (completely agree).

The number of items (ni) and Cronbach’s alpha for being over-/underchallenged (αo/u) in the trait and state assessments were as follows: for yoga ni = 5, αo/u_trait = 0.81/0.88 (Study 1) and αo/u_state = 0.81/0.91 (Study 2); for meditation ni = 4, αo/u_trait = 0.83/0.86 (Study 3) and αo/u_state = 0.80/0.85 (Study 4); for silence retreats ni = 10, αo/u_trait = 0.75/0.92 (Study 5) and αo/u_state = .83/.91 (Study 6); for sermon ni = 1 (Studies 7 and 8); for pilgrimage ni = 12, αo/u_trait = .82/.87 (Study 9) and αo/u_state = 0.79/0.81 (Study 10). The items of all 20 scales are presented in the online supplemental material (SM2).

Perceived value

We developed scales assessing value based on previous work49. The scales were each related to the facets of the spiritual practices as assessed with the spiritual boredom scales. The items were fully parallel in content for the trait and state assessments, and thus the number of items within spiritual contexts was identical. For example, a sample item for the pilgrimage context is “Walking on a pilgrimage is important to me” (trait assessment) and “Walking on the pilgrimage is important to me” (state assessment). For all scales, participants responded using a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (completely disagree) to 5 (completely agree).

The number of items (ni) and Cronbach’s alpha for the value scales in the trait and state assessments were as follows for the different spiritual contexts and studies: for yoga ni = 11, αtrait/state = 0.83/0.74 (Studies 1 and 2); for meditation ni = 9, αtrait/state = 0.73/0.66 (Studies 3 and 4); for silence retreats ni = 13, αtrait/state = 0.83/0.85 (Studies 5 and 6); for sermon ni = 7, αtrait/state = 0.89/0.84 (Studies 7 and 8); and for pilgrimage ni = 13, αtrait/state = 0.72/0.74 (Studies 9 and 10). The items of all value scales are presented in the online supplemental material (SM3).

Motivation

In all studies, we assessed motivation to engage in spiritual practices in the corresponding context. The items were fully parallel in content for the trait and state assessments, and thus the number of items within spiritual contexts was identical. A sample item for the pilgrimage context is “I am usually motivated to go on pilgrimages” (trait assessment) and “I am usually motivated during the pilgrimage” (state assessment). For both the trait and state assessments, participants responded using a 5-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (completely disagree) to 5 (completely agree).

The number of items (ni) and Cronbach’s alpha (correlation r for the 2-item assessment, respectively) for the motivation scales in the trait and state assessments were as follows for the different spiritual contexts: for yoga ni = 1 (Studies 1 and 2); for meditation ni = 1 (Studies 3 and 4); for silence retreats ni = 4, αtrait/state = 0.89/0.92 (Studies 5 and 6); for sermon ni = 2, rtrait/state = 0.66/0.33 (Studies 7 and 8); and for pilgrimage ni = 5, αtrait/state = 0.86/0.87 (Studies 9 and 10).

The items of the motivation scales are presented in the online supplemental material (SM4).

Analytic strategy

Single studies

We used the same analytic strategy across all studies. To address our exploratory question on the levels of spiritual boredom, we report the means of the single boredom items from the spiritual boredom scales, as well as the mean values of the entire spiritual boredom scales. The reason for highlighting the values of a single item in addition to the multi-item scale is that the mean level of the single item is easier to interpret than a score aggregating answers from a multi-item scale29. To test our hypotheses, we calculated correlations between spiritual boredom and its assumed antecedent and outcome variables. Specifically, we examined correlations with being over- and underchallenged (antecedents), perceived value (antecedent), and motivation (effect). Prior to formal statistical hypothesis testing, we checked for violations of test assumptions. Following common recommendations67, for correlation analyses we visually inspected scatter plots for bivariate associations. In addition, we visually inspected box plots as well as histograms and calculated the skewness of all variables (see Table 3).Table 3 Levels of spiritual boredom

Internal meta-analyses

To synthesize the findings across the 10 studies, we performed a series of internal meta-analyses. First, we calculated single-mean meta-analyses to estimate the average level of boredom reported across spiritual practices (i.e., the exploratory research question). We then conducted separate meta-analyses to examine the relations between boredom and over- and underchallenge (H1), value (H2), and motivation (H3). In addition, we examined whether the results of these analyses differed significantly between trait and state assessments.

As the samples of the 10 studies were independent, we included all studies in the meta-analyses. The total sample comprised N = 1267 participants in the single-mean meta-analyses. Due to different patterns of missing values, the meta-analytic sample sizes for the relations between boredom and overchallenge, underchallenge, value, and motivation varied between N = 1163 (motivation) and N = 1192 (value).

To estimate the mean level of spiritual boredom across the studies, we calculated a weighted mean of the means (i.e., single-mean meta-analysis, SMMA68). We used the raw means of the 10 boredom scales from the 10 studies. As all studies used an identical five-point Likert scale to measure boredom, the means were based on the same metric across studies. We also conducted subgroup analyses examining the mean levels of trait and state boredom separately. In addition to calculating SMMAs for the mean scores of the scales, we calculated similar SMMAs for the mean scores of the single items (i.e., each part of the scale) that assessed overall spiritual boredom. We also conducted comparable subgroup analyses for the single-item measures of spiritual boredom, distinguishing between trait and state measures. Given the variability in spiritual contexts and activities within those contexts across studies, we applied random-effects models with restricted maximum-likelihood estimation of between-study variance69 for SMMAs of scale means and of single-item means.

To estimate the mean correlations between boredom and overchallenge, underchallenge, value, and motivation, we conducted four separate random-effects meta-analyses with restricted maximum-likelihood (REML) estimation. We used Pearson’s r as our measure of effect size, which we transformed into Fisher’s z for the meta-analyses. In the next step, we transformed the z-scores from the meta-analysis back into Pearson’s rs68. In addition, we ran meta-regressions for each of the four models to examine whether the meta-analytic results varied between trait and state assessments.

Reporting summary

Further information on research design is available in the Nature Portfolio Reporting Summary linked to this article.

Results

Results of single studies

Mean levels of spiritual boredom—exploratory research question

Table 3 shows the mean levels of spiritual boredom. Across the assessments, the means range from M = 1.24 (pilgrimage, state, single item) to M = 3.60 (sermon, trait, single item), indicating a large amount of variance across studies. The skewness of all scales and the single items are also shown in Table 3. They are negative (i.e., left-skewed) for trait sermon and positive (i.e., right-skewed) for all other contexts. This shows that there are few relatively low scores for trait sermon, while there are few relatively high scores for the other assessments70.

For trait sermon, we found that 69.83% of the ratings were 4 (or 5 on the 5-point Likert scale; for state sermon, this was 54.78%. Across all scales/items, the mean percentage of 4- and 5-point responses was 12.63 (for all percentages on scores of 3–5, 4–5 and 5 see online supplemental material SM5).

Antecedents and effects of spiritual boredom—H1, H2, H3

Table 4 presents results on the antecedents and effects of spiritual boredom. Means, standard deviations as well as intercorrelations of all scales within the 10 studies are presented in the online supplemental material SM6.Table 4 Antecedents and effects of spiritual boredom

Supporting Hypothesis 1, spiritual boredom was significantly positively correlated with being overchallenged in all 10 studies (all ps < 0.05, see Table 4); the zero correlation for state sermon boredom was an exception. Spiritual boredom was also significantly positively correlated with being underchallenged in all studies (all ps < 0.05, see Table 4). Significant correlations across studies ranged from r = 0.29 to r = 0.75 for being overchallenged and from r = 0.23 to r = 0.72 for being underchallenged.

In line with Hypothesis 2, spiritual boredom was significantly negatively correlated (all ps < 0.05, see Table 4) with perceived value in all studies, with correlations ranging from r = −0.28 to r = −0.68. Our results therefore fully support Hypothesis 2.

Regarding Hypothesis 3, spiritual boredom was significantly negatively correlated with motivation in all studies (one correlation p < 0.10, all other ps < 0.05, see Table 4), with correlations ranging from r = −0.28 to r = −0.66. Our results therefore clearly support Hypothesis 3.

While supporting the study hypotheses, the results also imply that there was a large heterogeneity in the strength of the relations between spiritual boredom and its theorized antecedents and effects across spiritual contexts, and across trait and state assessments.

Results of the internal meta-analyses

Meta-analysis of mean boredom—exploratory research question

To estimate the mean level of spiritual boredom across the five spiritual contexts, we conducted SMMAs for the mean values of the boredom scales used in the respective studies, as well as for the means of the single items assessing overall boredom. Synthesizing the scale means from all 10 studies (i.e., five spiritual contexts, each with one trait and one state-related study), our random-effects model yielded a statistically significant mean boredom value of M¯ = 1.91 (95% CI [1.48, 2.33]). This indicates a relatively low aggregated mean level of boredom (on a response scale from 1 [strongly disagree] to 5 [strongly agree]).

The between-study heterogeneity was significant and high (Q = 1821.35, p < 0.001, I² > 99.99), indicating considerable variability in boredom levels across the different studies71. Participants reported the highest levels of boredom in Study 7 (sermon—trait; M = 3.56, SD = 0.94, see Table 3) and the lowest levels in Study 10 (pilgrimage—state; M = 1.35, SD = 0.43, see Table 3). Figure 2 shows the distributions for the single items assessing overall boredom and for the multi-item scales. When analysing trait and state assessments separately, individuals reported higher mean boredom in trait assessments compared to state assessments, although the confidence intervals overlapped (see online supplemental material SM7 for detailed results).

figure 2
Fig. 2: Descriptive statistics for single-item and scale indicators of spiritual boredom.

We observed a very similar pattern when we repeated the SMMA for the single-item boredom measures from each study (M¯ = 1.88, 95% CI [1.44, 2.33], Q = 1371.79, p < 0.001, I² > 99.99). Again, the highest levels of boredom were reported in Study 7 (sermon—trait; M = 3.60, SD = 1.13, see Table 3), and the lowest levels were reported in Study 10 (pilgrimage—state; M = 1.24, SD = 0.52, see Table 3). Consistent with the SMMA of the scale means, trait boredom was generally more pronounced than state boredom, although the confidence intervals overlapped (for detailed results, see online supplemental material SM7).

Meta-analyses of antecedents and outcomes of spiritual boredom—H1, H2, H3

To estimate the overall effect sizes of the relations between spiritual boredom and overchallenge, underchallenge, value, and motivation, we conducted a series of four meta-analyses (Table 5; see Fig. 3 for a graphical illustration of the findings). The random-effects models yielded significant, positive effect sizes for overchallenge (r¯ = 0.44, 95% CI [0.30, 0.56]) and underchallenge (r¯ = 0.44, 95% CI [0.34, 0.53], see Table 5), indicating that being over- or underchallenged is substantially positively associated with experiencing boredom in different spiritual contexts. Conversely, spiritual boredom was significantly negatively associated with value (r¯ = −0.54, 95% CI [−0.61, −0.45], see Table 5), suggesting that lower subjective value of a spiritual practice is meaningfully associated with higher levels of spiritual boredom. Similarly, boredom was significantly negatively associated with motivation to engage in the spiritual practice (r¯ = −0.46, 95% CI [−0.55, −0.37], see Table 5).Table 5 Meta-analyses of correlations with spiritual boredom

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figure 3
Fig. 3: Forest plot for meta-analyses of correlations with spiritual boredom.

The proportion of variance explained by between-study heterogeneity was high for overchallenge (Q = 90.75, p < 0.001, I² = 85.79) and underchallenge (Q = 36.24, p < 0.001, I² = 73.34), and moderate for value (Q = 34.49, p < 0.001, I² = 70.45) and motivation (Q = 26.74, p < 0.001, I² = 66.88). This indicates that the relations between boredom and over- and underchallenge varied more substantially across the 10 studies compared to the relations between boredom, on the one hand, and value and motivation, on the other71.

To examine whether the results varied between trait and state assessments, we ran meta-regressions with trait versus state assessment as the predictor variable. The results were not significantly impacted for overchallenge, underchallenge, and motivation. However, trait versus state significantly moderated the effect sizes for value (β = 0.27, 95% CI [0.12, 0.41], see online supplemental material SM7). This indicates that the correlations between spiritual boredom and value were significantly stronger for trait assessments (r¯ = −0.62, 95% CI [−0.67, −0.56]) than for state assessments (r¯ = −0.42, 95% CI [−0.51, −0.31], see online supplemental material SM7).

Discussion

In this research, we focused on spiritual boredom, a topic that has been largely neglected in previous empirical research. Our aim was to gain insight into the levels of boredom experienced during spiritual practice (an exploratory research question) and to examine its antecedents and effects based on Pekrun’s9,10,12 control-value theory (CVT). Specifically, we examined whether inadequate levels of perceived control (i.e., being overchallenged or underchallenged) were associated with high levels of spiritual boredom (Hypothesis 1) and whether perceived value was associated with low levels of spiritual boredom (Hypothesis 2). In terms of the impact of spiritual boredom, we focused on one core variable: motivation to engage in spiritual practice, which we hypothesized would be negatively related to spiritual boredom (Hypothesis 3). As prototypical examples, we examined five spiritual contexts: yoga, meditation, silence retreats, sermons (as part of Catholic services), and pilgrimage. In each context, we conducted two independent studies—one focusing on trait-related assessments and the other on state-related assessments. We synthesized the results of the 10 studies using meta-analyses.

Occurrence of spiritual boredom

There are scattered indicators from quantitative studies regarding the occurrence of spiritual boredom, but little empirical evidence on its levels. In a previous study7, the reported level of “void” during mindfulness meditation ranged from 2.4 to 2.8 on a 7-point Likert scale, with 1 indicating “completely disagree” and 7 “completely agree.” Our meta-analysis revealed a mean level of spiritual boredom of M¯ = 1.91 for the multi-item scales and M¯ = 1.88 for the single items (assessed on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 [completely disagree] to 5 [completely agree]). When considering the differences in the metric used, these findings are similar to prior results7. Both sets of results reflect mean levels of approximately 20 to 25% of the maximum scale value.

Our internal meta-analysis showed that trait boredom was generally more pronounced than state boredom. One reason may be that not all participants in the trait assessments were currently engaged in spiritual practice (even though they all had experience with it), in contrast to the state statements where all participants were currently practicing. For some participants in the trait assessments, high levels of boredom may actually have been a reason for not currently practicing, leading to higher reports of trait spiritual boredom among these currently non-practicing participants, and consequently to higher overall mean levels of trait spiritual boredom. Furthermore, our findings are in line with many other studies showing higher levels of trait compared to state emotion scores. A major general reason for higher trait scores, as outlined in the literature, might be peak effects, that is, the overweighting of very intense experiences in retrospective judgments72,73,74.

Compared to the other spiritual contexts, the mean value of trait sermon boredom was relatively high (M = 3.56, SD = 0.94 for the sum scale; M = 3.60, SD = 1.13 for the single boredom item; rated on a scale from 1 [completely disagree] to 5 [completely agree]). Many participants may attend Catholic services for reasons unrelated to the sermon, such as enjoying the singing of hymns or the quiet elements of the service. Consequently, some attendees may tolerate the sermon, even if boring, in order to experience the other aspects of services they enjoy.

We found that the level of boredom during pilgrimages was rather low. This may be due to the inherent variability of the pilgrimage experience. Elements such as varied landscapes, changing weather, manageable challenges and encounters with a wide range of people are likely to contribute to this variability and help to perceive value and reduce feelings of boredom.

Except for sermon boredom, the mean levels of spiritual boredom found in our research were below the midpoint of the response scale (i.e., a value of 3.00). However, we observed instances of boredom scores above the midpoint of the scale in all contexts except pilgrimage and the state single item in the context of meditation. This supports the view that boredom is indeed a non-negligible emotion in spiritual practices. For those who wish to interpret the mean levels of spiritual boredom within specific spiritual contexts in relation to participants’ engagement in spiritual practices, we provide descriptive statistics on participants’ current spiritual practices across all 10 studies in the online supplementary material (SM8).

In summary, our studies show that there is a relatively low but significant mean level of spiritual boredom. Although qualitative studies, anecdotes, and artworks (e.g., individuals sleeping during sermons) have suggested the presence of significant levels of spiritual boredom, our study quantitatively demonstrates its prevalence.

Antecedents of spiritual boredom

Nonoptimal levels of control—being over- or underchallenged

Consistent with assumptions derived from CVT9,10,12 and in line with previous research in other contexts (e.g., academic boredom29,48,75), we found that spiritual boredom was positively related to non-optimal levels of control. Our internal meta-analyses revealed that spiritual boredom was negatively related to both being overchallenged (r¯ = 0.44) and underchallenged (r¯ = 0.44). Spiritual boredom was significantly positively correlated with over- and underchallenge in all 10 studies, except for the non-significant relation between boredom and overchallenge in the sermon-related trait assessment. A possible reason for this unexpected finding could be that overchallenge was assessed with a single item in this study (in contrast to the other studies). The validity of this item (i.e., “The content of a sermon usually overchallenges me”) may be compromised because it might have been interpreted in different ways. For example, overchallenge could be interpreted as relating to the content of the sermon, its length, or the complexity of its language. Future studies might benefit from using multi-item scales to more accurately assess overchallenge during sermons.

The results of the meta-analysis showed that the relations between boredom and over- and underchallenge showed more heterogeneity across the 10 studies than the relations between boredom and value and between boredom and motivation. One explanation may be that spiritual boredom might differ in its sensitivity to non-optimal levels of control depending on the spiritual context. For example, being overchallenged while listening to a sermon might lead to greater boredom than being overchallenged while practicing yoga, because the level of challenge in listening to a sermon might be subjectively perceived to be less controllable than in individual yoga practice.

Perceived value

According to most theories on boredom, including CVT, perceived value reduces boredom3,24. Consistent with numerous studies in other contexts, we found significant negative relations between perceived value and spiritual boredom in all 10 studies. Our meta-analytic results revealed a mean negative relation of r¯ = −0.54. Any spiritual practice that is practiced regularly can easily become an unthinking routine whose value is not sufficiently appreciated. This reduced value can lead to spiritual boredom, which, in turn, can further reduce the value of the spiritual practice, creating a negative downward spiral. While previous research has examined whether individuals who perceive more meaning in life experience less boredom15, our study examined the relation between the perceived value of the spiritual practice itself and the boredom experienced during that practice. The findings suggest that perceived value can play a crucial role in the experience of spiritual boredom.

Our meta-analytic findings show that the correlations between spiritual boredom and value were significantly stronger for trait assessments than for state assessments. One explanation could be that it is intuitively plausible that low value leads to boredom; this subjective belief may have influenced the responses in the trait assessment. Trait self-reports are known to be more sensitive to subjective beliefs than state assessments76,77. Nevertheless, the correlations were substantially negative in both types of assessments (i.e., r¯ = −0.62 for the trait and r¯ = −0.43 for the state assessment).

Effects of spiritual boredom—motivation to engage

Consistent with CVT, we found significant negative relations between spiritual boredom and motivation for spiritual practice in all 10 studies. Our meta-analytic results showed a mean negative relation of r¯ = −0.46. These findings are comparable to a prior study7 reporting a significant negative relation (r = −0.54) between “void” and motivation during guided mindfulness meditation. However, our study focused directly on spiritual boredom. The findings suggest that high levels of boredom during spiritual practice strongly reduce motivation for further practice.

In sum, with respect to our exploratory research question, our findings reveal significant and thus non-negligible levels of spiritual boredom. Furthermore, our findings clearly support our three explanatory hypotheses: that spiritual boredom is positively related to non-optimal levels of control (i.e., being over- or underchallenged; Hypothesis 1), negatively related to value (Hypothesis 2), and negatively related to motivation (Hypothesis 3).

Limitations

Some limitations of the present study should be noted and can inform directions for future research. First, we relied on self-report data to assess spiritual boredom, antecedents, and effects. As such, the findings may have been influenced by response sets that can impact self-report78. To reduce potential biases, future studies of spiritual boredom could also include objective assessments of spiritual boredom components, such as physiological measures of reduced arousal38,79.

Second, while we focused on control and value as antecedents of boredom, recent models of boredom have pointed to the important role that attentional failures play in characterizing or causing boredom14,80,81. It would be important for future work to examine the role of attention in spiritual boredom.

Third, our study focused on one specific effect of spiritual boredom: its impact on motivation to engage in spiritual practices. Future research could extend the scope by exploring additional effects of spiritual boredom, such as its influence on the frequency and duration of spiritual practices, as well as its impact on self-regulation during these practices (e.g., during meditation).

Fourthly, we recruited participants for our study using snowball sampling, aiming to encourage as many individuals as possible to take part. Future studies on spiritual boredom could perform power analyses to ensure adequate sample sizes. Our initial findings on spiritual boredom may serve as a helpful foundation for such analyses.

In addition, it is important to note that our approach does not allow to draw conclusions about the causal ordering of the variables. Future studies should use experimental and longitudinal designs to address this limitation. Also, as noted earlier, our samples were not fully comparable between the trait and state assessments. The trait samples included participants who may be infrequently engaging in spiritual practices, whereas the state assessments may have included individuals who practiced more frequently. All participants in the state assessments were currently practicing; this was not the case for the trait sample. Future studies could use the same participants to examine both traits and state spiritual boredom within one sample.

Finally, our study focused on Western and German-speaking samples and five exemplary domains of spiritual boredom. Future research could expand this scope to test the generalizability of the present findings across cultures and additional domains, such as spiritual dance, mindfulness practices, spiritual breathing, and other religious practices.

Implications for research and practice

An implication of our study is that spiritual boredom, in terms of its levels and potential effects, is a critically important emotion to be considered in future research and practice. As such, our hope is that the initial theoretical framework and empirical findings of the present set of studies will stimulate further research into spiritual boredom.

Regarding antecedents of spiritual boredom, our findings are consistent with previous studies of boredom in other contexts (e.g., academic contexts29,48,75), which suggest that suboptimal levels of control (i.e., over- or underchallenge) increase spiritual boredom. As discussed previously7, many spiritual practices are typically not individualized (e.g., guided meditations, yoga practices, sermons, silent retreats, prayers, chanting), which can often lead to experiences of over- or underchallenge. While there is an ongoing debate in research on education and the workplace about how practices can be personalized to improve wellbeing and growth, this discussion is largely absent for spiritual contexts. It may be important to discuss personalization for spiritual practices as well.

Our research indicates that individualized spiritual practices could potentially help alleviate spiritual boredom. For example, meditation groups could be divided into smaller groups based on individual preferences, such as guided versus unguided meditation, different lengths of meditation sessions, or meditation with and without music. For sermons, alternatives could be offered for those who do not find sermons engaging, such as books with inspiring images or podcasts with spiritual poetry or thought-provoking questions on spiritual topics. While such materials are sometimes offered to children during worship, they are less commonly used for adults. Beyond these specific examples, principles of individualization applied in other contexts (e.g., education) could be adapted to develop more personalized spiritual practices. Future research could focus on designing and evaluating programmes that incorporate these individualized approaches to assess their impact on spiritual boredom.

Our research is consistent with studies of boredom in other contexts (e.g., education, work) in suggesting that emphasizing the value of practices can help reduce boredom. For example, highlighting the importance of these practices in courses could be beneficial. Various meta-analyses have shown positive associations between spirituality and mental health82,83,84, physical health85,86,87, well-being88, social participation89, and social responsibility90. Furthermore, spirituality has been negatively associated with physical and sexual aggression91 and delinquent behavior92. However, when outlining the benefits or value of specific spiritual practices, it is crucial to base such statements on empirical research findings.

In terms of the consequences of boredom, our research suggests that spiritual boredom can reduce motivation for spiritual practice. As such, spiritual boredom can be seen as a previously unrecognized indicator or facet of spiritual struggle59,60. Course leaders should attend to signs of boredom among participants and respond appropriately, for example by providing breaks. In addition, it might be valuable to address spiritual boredom as a topic for discussion. This could encourage a stimulating exchange on the topic, as boredom is often seen as an opportunity for self-reflection, but paradoxically seems to reduce the motivation to engage in spiritual practice in the first place32.

Future research could explore how spiritual boredom affects such motivation to reflect on the spiritual practice. Future studies could also investigate the impact of boredom on individuals’ motivation to apply spiritual insights to daily life interactions. In addition, as mentioned earlier, examining the frequency and duration of spiritual practices, as well as self-regulation skills during these practices (e.g., during meditation), could provide further insight into the consequences of spiritual boredom.

Our findings indicate that the CVT, originally developed in the context of achievement emotions, serves as an appropriate theoretical framework for explaining the antecedents and effects of spiritual boredom. Consistent with ongoing theoretical developments suggesting that CVT is applicable beyond academic contexts12, our findings encourage the use of CVT for further research on spiritual boredom (e.g., exploring additional effects of spiritual boredom, such as its impact on the quality of spiritual practice).

In this research, we developed a total of 10 boredom scales, including one trait and one state spiritual boredom scale each for the spiritual contexts of yoga (YBS-T, YBS-S), meditation (MBS-T, MBS-S), silence retreat (SRBS-T, SRBS-S), sermon (SBS-T, SBS-S), and pilgrimage (PBS-T, PBS-S; see online supplemental material SM1for the wording of the items of all scales). Our initial results indicate high convergent validity of the newly developed scale, as evidenced by the strong correlations between the MSBS-SF (i.e., the short form of the Multidimensional State Boredom Scale66) and the YBS-S, as well as the MSBS-SF and the MBS-S. Future research on spiritual boredom could use these scales or adapted versions (e.g., short versions or versions that refer to other spiritual contexts). Since all these scales include a single item assessing the overall level of boredom in each spiritual context, these single items can also be used when the number of items to be assessed is limited (e.g., due to study design, as in experience sampling or laboratory studies).

Conclusion

In the face of current global crises, such as the climate crisis and ongoing wars, people may seek out spiritual growth and practices in pursuit of social connectedness and empathy, possibly countering tendencies towards egocentrism and blind competition. This shift can encourage behavior that benefits the common good in our society.

By addressing and reducing spiritual boredom, our findings could help promote engagement in spiritual practices, ultimately supporting personal and collective spiritual growth. Spiritual boredom could be alleviated by designing spiritual practices in a way that reduces over- or underchallenge (e.g., through individualized practices) and by increasing the perceived value of the practices (e.g., by emphasizing the importance of the practices for daily life).

Data availability

All data, on which this paper is based, are available at https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/G5PCU.

Code availability

All statistical analyses were conducted in R 4.4.293. The R package meta was used to calculate the SMMAs94. For meta-analyses of effect sizes, we used the metafor package95. For data visualization, we used the ggplot2 package96. The code allowing to reproduce the presented analyses is available on the Open Science Framework at https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/G5PCU.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Developmental and Educational Psychology, Faculty of Psychology, University of Vienna, Vienna, AustriaThomas Goetz, Jonathan Fries, Lisa Stempfer, Lukas Kraiger, Sarah Stoll, Lena Baumgartner, Yannis L. Diamant, Caroline Porics, Bibiana Sonntag & Silke Würglauer
  2. Department of Psychology, University of Essex, Essex, UKWijnand A. P. van Tilburg & Reinhard Pekrun
  3. Institute for Positive Psychology and Education, Australian Catholic University, Sydney, AustraliaReinhard Pekrun
  4. Department of Psychology, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, München, GermanyReinhard Pekrun

Contributions

T.G.: Conceptualization, Formal analysis, Writing—original draft. J.F.: Formal analysis, Methodology, Software, Visualization, Writing—original draft. L.S.: Writing—original draft. L.K.: Formal analysis, Writing—original draft. S.S.: Writing—original draft. L.B.: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investigation. Y.L.D.: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investigation. C.P.: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investigation. B.S.: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investigation. S.W.: Conceptualization, Methodology, Investigation. W.A.P.vanT.: Writing—original draft. R.P.: Writing—original draft. All authors: Writing—review & editing.

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Thomas Goetz.

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The authors declare no competing interests.

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Communications Psychology thanks Joshua A. Wilt and the other, anonymous, reviewer(s) for their contribution to the peer review of this work. Primary Handling Editor: Jennifer Bellingtier. A peer review file is available.

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Citations, References And Other Reading

  1. Featured Photo Courtesy of:
  2. https://www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-14472607/Britain-atheist-age-people-BORED-spiritual-practices.html
  3. https://www.nature.com/articles/s44271-025-00216-7#Sec23

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